On January 1 we saw a lot of states raising their lowest
legal pay even further from the $7.25 federal bottom. According to Karl Russell’s “A Higher Minimum
Wage in 2017” (The New York Times, January
5), 29 states and the District of Columbia have compensation floors higher than
the national, with concentrations on the Northeast and the West Coast, and 19 boosted
them more, effective the beginning of the year.
Seven, with annual increases tied to inflation, lifted theirs 10 cents
an hour or less, but in five – Arizona, Washington, Maine, Massachusetts, and
Colorado – it jumped 99 cents or beyond.
The District’s, higher than any state at $11.50, did not change, but the
top six, Massachusetts, Washington, California, Connecticut, Arizona, and
Vermont, each went up 40 cents or more and are now at least $10.
However, the pace is heading for a slowdown. Except for those indexing their minimum wages
to inflation, only ten states have voted for future increases. Of those, only California and New York, along
with the District of Columbia, have committed to reaching $15 per hour.
Will there be many more this year? Three pieces published since then suggest it
is unlikely. The first, also in the New York Times, Noam Scheiber’s January
10th “Higher Minimum Wage May Have Losers,” noteworthy for appearing
in a news outlet consistently in favor of raising it in the past, cited two
studies, one at New York University showing that increasing minimum pay had the
effect of making fewer working hours available, and one from Harvard Business
School and Mathematica Policy Research concluding that such wage boosts were
often followed by restaurants, especially ones rated low on the Yelp website,
closing. In this area, where controlled
experiments of course cannot be conducted, all research results are
controversial and unreplicable, but each study does become a data point.
The same conclusion was put forth by Forbes columnist Tim Worstall, in “Surprise, San Diego’s Minimum
Wage Rise Appears To Be Killing Restaurant Jobs” (April 12th). This author, previously and now against
higher pay floors, wrote that “roughly… 50% of people in restaurants get the
minimum wage and some 50% of the people who get it work in restaurants,” and cited
a report that, after San Diego increased their minimum ahead of the rest of
California to $11.50, 3,900 food service positions were either “lost, or never
created in the first place.” Worstall’s
best point here is that higher mandated levels effect not only jobs that end
but ones that would otherwise have started and didn’t. Measuring those, though, is not easy.
“Has the Movement to Raise the Minimum Wage Reached Its
Limit?” That question was explored by
Scott Calvert and Eric Morath in The Wall
Street Journal on April 6th.
They named Baltimore mayor Catherine Pugh’s veto of a proposition that
would raise the minimum to $15 by 2022, which matched the end of a similar
effort made in Maryland’s Montgomery County, even though it borders the
already-$15-approving District of Columbia.
Pugh, though a Democrat, said that although higher pay was good, she
also wished for her “city to survive” – and who should know better? Another point here is that providing a date
by which a large minimum wage increase will take effect, especially if years in
the future, gives automation companies a deadline by which they can make
available robots and other machines costing less than that per hour. It also affects longer-range business plans
such as opening factories, one example of which Calvert and Morath gave.
As I have written before, my bias is in the direction of
more jobs. It remains simple economics
that requiring employers to pay more than they would otherwise need to do means
they will offer fewer of them. As these
authors have shown, that not only manifests itself in jobs that are
discontinued, but in those that were never created in the first place. It is too early to get much data on this
year’s minimum wage increases, but it will come in – expect more here as it
does.
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