Another good drawing festooned a provocative article late
last month. This, on the cover of the
January 26th-February 1st Economist, was of a snail with its shell replaced by a view of
Earth and the title “Slowbalisation – The future of global commerce.”
In the unbylined piece, and its summary in the Leaders
section, we see that that word, “coined by a Dutch writer,” has been apt for the
past few years. The authors say that we
can already talk about “the golden age of globalisation,” which ran for 20
years ending in 2010, and that it “was something to behold,” when shipping and
telephone call costs came way down and “business went gangbusters.”
The reasons it is not now the same go well beyond the
current White House occupant, or even similar pseudo-populists in the likes of
Poland and Hungary. Per the authors,
goods-moving rates have stopped falling, services are often impossible to transport,
more parts are being made nearer their consumers, and “multinational firms have
found that global sprawl burns money and that local rivals often eat them
alive.” “Cross-border bank loans” have
plummeted from 60% of 2006 GDP that year to 36% recently, and “gross capital
flows have fallen from a peak of 7% in early 2007 to 1.5%,” both largely caused
by more cautious lending attitudes from the Great Recession. Other metrics down from 2007 include trade in
goods and services as percentage of GDP, intermediate imports as the same, the
percentage of profits “multinational,” and the share of S&P 500 companies’
sales from other countries. Even
services that can be done remotely are not crossing borders as much as I,
anyway, had expected, with information technology positions still often turning
up near the top of lists of most promising American careers. Accordingly, instead of, as it may have
seemed, the Trump administration working to bring vigorous intercountry trade
to a screeching halt, its tariff actions, instead, have had a “fragile
backdrop.”
The real problems with slowbalization go beyond damaging
people benefitting from cheaper and better products. They include, per the authors, cutting emerging
countries’ selling opportunities, impeding solving international problems such
as immigration and tax avoidance, and helping China to “win regional hegemony
faster.” Although globalization has been
one of the three largest factors of the permanent jobs crisis, even if it were
to disappear completely automation and efficiency would stop manufacturing and
easily optimizable service jobs from returning to anything like their 1950s
ubiquity.
Here are a few pertinent observations, some old but all
valid. The frequency and amount of
international trade has not moved only in one direction even for the past
several decades, let alone over centuries.
Tariffs are stupid, and cut prosperity in unmeasured ways much more than
any job creation or often-in-vain-anyway job preservation adds to it. As we saw with the auto industry in the 1980s
and 1990s, overseas competition is one of the best drivers for American
companies to improve their products.
Although its evidence is now in latent demand instead of official
unemployment, our country has excess capacity in workers. These four realities apply no matter what the
world trade situation.
How can we expect American jobs to be affected by
slowbalization? The current unhurried
downward trend for service providers will not accelerate but will
continue. They will be temporarily
shored up in areas protected by tariffs.
They will improve for people connected with Canadian or Mexican trade,
and worsen for those working for companies exporting elsewhere. As shifts in trade laws generally involve
treaties and negotiations, change will not be quick, so even if there is an
overall reversal of anti-globalization attitudes, it will take years to see its
results. Yet, as with the weather, if
you don’t like the current situation, wait – it will change.
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