A true epidemic involving drugs is in progress in the
US. Products containing opium, including
heroin, methadone, painkillers, and the extremely powerful Fentanyl, were
responsible for 47,000 2017 American overdose deaths, about the same as the
number of suicides and more than all with guns, and has certainly increased
since. It is different from previous
concerns about cocaine and marijuana, not only since the fatality numbers are
vastly higher but that the substances are legal.
A lot has been written about this problem during the past
half-decade, but our understanding of it is still badly deficient. We know that opioids are most abused by
whites in relatively poor areas, and that deaths, spurred mostly but not
completely by Fentanyl, have decupled in 20 years. Beyond that, what is being written lately in
major-publication articles?
The first is Olga Khazan’s boldly titled “The True Cause of
the Opioid Epidemic,” in January’s The Atlantic. Khazan considered a lot of material, starting
with “should they be arresting people?” (no, not for a public health issue),
and moving on to a JAMA study showing a correlation between opioid
deaths and auto assembly factory closings (did not mean causation), including speculation
that such downturns made people feel that “it’s not really worth investing in
myself” (but what does that have to do with careless drug use?).
The strangest finding mentioned in this piece, though, was a
study showing “that with each percentage-point increase in the unemployment
rate, the death rate from opioids rises by 3.6 percent.” If that is true, then why, from 2010 to 2017,
did opioid deaths more than double when joblessness dropped from 9.6% to 4.3%?
Other things mentioned in Khazan’s article include
comparisons with alcohol, hard since drink’s effects are almost always behavioral
and chronic, along with an excellent note that in states where doctors were
required to fill out three copies of controlled-substance prescriptions, such
death rates were far lower, and one researcher calling the epidemic “an
everything problem.” One point I add is
that the line between legitimate medical use and dangerous abuse is not as
clear as just following directions, especially when those can be “as needed,”
and that restrictions can impede those who require these drugs the most.
Now on to workplaces, with “As nation struggles with opioid
crisis, workers bring addiction to the job” (Charisse Jones and Jayne
O’Donnell, USA Today, December 26th). This effort started with a restaurant table
busser, inexperienced with marijuana, being unable to fulfill her assignment after
partaking, and moved to the general topic of people using mind-altering drugs at
work. As with overdose deaths, this
issue is not clear-cut. One problem is
that many workers, especially at low-level jobs, function as well or even
better while under various influences, and some do even better. One writer documented during the 1980s, when
cocaine use by major league baseball players reached a peak, that a number of
them performed their best in years when they were using, and authority Bill
James wrote that most players, though with their tendencies often changed, only
broke even in performance during and after substance rehabilitation.
Yet while the highest shares of workplace psychotropic drug
use are in low-level positions, it does often turn up in other ones. Unrestricted telecommuting can mean more drugs,
and as long as there have been jobs there have been workers under alcohol
influence. If it is clearly detrimental
to performance, management is reasonable to take the approach advocated 36
years ago in Robert Townsend’s Further Up the Organization: “Don’t try
to tell people how to conduct themselves at home. But if someone comes to the office zonked a
third time, fire him without bothering to find out what he’s using.” While alternative methods, such as clear
threats and placement in rehab programs, can be better, Townsend’s approach
still gets to what is and is not a problem.
That is what, with drugs of any kind, we need to address.
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